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Февруари 2010

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2017

Автор(и): Иван Кръстев

Последната книга на Иван Кръстев на български език, публикувана от изд. "Обсидиан".

After Europe

2017

Автор(и): Иван Кръстев

Книга на Иван Кръстев за бъдещето на Европейския съюз (но и за потенциалното му отсъствие) излиза от University of Pennsylvania Press.

Препъвана демокрация: политиката на глобален протест

2014

Атакувайки теориите, които свързват протестите с възхода на глобалната средна класа, Иван Кръстев твърди, че те изразяват повсеместното недоверие в демократичните институции.

Автор(и): Иван Кръстев

# Протестът - анализи и позиции в българската преса лято 2013

2014

Сборник с анализи и позиции в българските печатни и онлайн медии прави обзор на най-актуалната тема през изминалата година: протестите. „#Протестът“ (ИК „Изток-Запад“) – със съставители Даниел Смилов и Леа Вайсова.

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Civil Society in Central and Eastern Europe: Challenges and Opportunities. Bulgaria Country Report

05 Юни 2017

Автор(и): Ружа Смилова

Civil Society in Central and Eastern Europe: Challenges and Opportunities Edited by Peter Vandor, Nicole Traxler, Reinhard Millner, and Michael Meyer. ERSTE Foundation publication

Democratic Innovation and the Politics of Fear: 25 Lessons from Eastern Europe

05 Юни 2017

Автор(и): Даниел Смилов

Текст на Даниел Смилов, включен в сборника The Governance Report 2017, публикуван от Oxford University Press

Финансиране на партиите в Източна, Централна и Югоизточна Европа &Централна Азия

Funding of Political Parties and Election Campaigns: A Handbook on Political Finance © International IDEA 2014, 16 Юли 2015

Автор(и): Даниел Смилов

Окупацията от 2013 г.: В търсене на смисъла

списание "Критика и хуманизъм", кн. 43, бр. 1-2/2014, 07 Април 2015

Тема на броя: Младежки култури на социализма и постсоциализма: лайфстайл, конформизъм и протест

Автор(и): Ружа Смилова

Новият европейски безпорядък

ЕСВП, 11 Ноември 2014

Иван Кръстев и Марк Леонард

Автор(и): Иван Кръстев

България: Изборите за Европейски парламент - репетиция за предсрочни парламентарни избори

23 Май 2014

Публикация в сборник, подготвен в рамките на EPIN (мрежа на институти за европейски политики) и посветен на предстоящите избори за Европейски парламент с обобщаващ анализ и публикации за 11 държави членки (България, Германия, Гърция, Испания, Италия, Нид

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списание "Критика и хуманизъм", кн.41, 2013, 01 Декември 2013

Критика и Хуманизъм | 41 | 2013 | Народът и гражданското общество като ресурси на демокрацията

Автор(и): Даниел Смилов

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В епохата на пожизнените президенти

Ню Йорк Таймс - Портал Култура, 15 Март 2018

Автор(и): Иван Кръстев

Ще бъде ли 2018 революционна като 1968 г.?

Ню Йорк Таймс - Портал Култура, 21 Февруари 2018

Автор(и): Иван Кръстев

Отвъд голямото разтуряне: сигурността най-после се завръща в Европа

NewStatesman - Либерален преглед, 05 Февруари 2018

Автор(и): Иван Кръстев

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Втората световна война най-накрая завършва

Списание "Prospect", брой 170
30 Април 2010

World war II finally ends

Статията е налична само на Английски език.

 

World war II finally ends
Ivan Krastev

On 10th April 2010, the second world war finally ended. It lasted over 70 years, killed millions of people and tortured the memories of millions more. Ironically, it ended almost exactly 20 years after its successor, the cold war. President Lech Kaczynski of Poland and 95 other members of the country’s elite were its last victims.

The Katyn massacre proved the key to the end of the war. In 1940, the Russians killed more than 22,000 Polish officers in Katyn, a small town just west of Smolensk, in Russia. Yet Katyn was not only a terrible crime: it was followed by lies and manipulation. In the words of Adam Michnik, a Polish opposition leader during communism, it “divided Poles and Russians more than any other event of the 20th century.”

Katyn was a struggle for the identity of post-communist Russia, Poland and Europe too. Russia’s post-cold war identity is made up of oil, recollections of Soviet greatness and the promise that it can once again become a great nation. Memories of the Soviet defeat of Nazism lie at the heart of Russia’s self-respect: they justify the very existence of the Soviet Union, and were so important that the Kremlin erased evidence of the pro-Nazi Molotov-Ribbentrop pact (1939-41) and actions that followed from it, such as Katyn. It has been easier for Russia’s leaders to admit Stalin’s crimes against his own people than admit that he was once Hitler’s ally.

For both Poland and eastern Europe, Katyn stands for the struggle to tell the truth about what happened in their lands between 1933 and 1953. This was the heart of darkness in Europe; Yale historian Timothy Snyder named it “the ignored Holocaust,” in which Ukrainians, Belarusians, and Poles suffered disproportionately compared to the Russians and the Germans.

Any reconciliation between Poles and Russians has always required challenging both Russian and western myths. The tragedy of Smolensk has made that easier, provoking collective empathy in Russia and Poland. President Medvedev declared a day of national mourning in Russia, and attended the funeral of the Polish president despite the transport problems caused by volcanic ash. Prime Minister Putin rushed to the scene and was warmly received by Poles.

Russia’s leaders had realised, even before the Smolensk crash, that they had little to lose by accepting Stalin’s responsibility for Katyn. They are now confident enough to have a more nuanced view of Stalin’s legacy, but they also think the west still downplays the suffering of the eastern front. By recognising what happened at Katyn, the event can become part of Russia’s agony as well as Poland’s. To symbolise this shift, Russia’s state television aired twice in a week (the second time with a huge audience) Andrzej Wajda’s 2007 epic film Katyn, about the crime and ensuing cover-up. Polish leaders, people on the street and the Catholic church have endorsed reconciliation. Cardinal Stanislaw Dziwisz even declared the rejoining of Poles and Russians as “the task of our generation.”

Of course, such an unusual outburst of sympathy has created expectations for radical change in Russian-Polish relations. Yet this will not magically solve all the problems that divide these two nations. History demonstrates that emotional breakthroughs—such as the Turkish-Greek earthquake diplomacy of 1999—have limits. That said, the promised coming together of Warsaw and Moscow also has a bigger geostrategic context.

The 2008 war between Russia and Georgia demonstrated the fragility of the European order. But accord between Russia and Europe could help to reverse Europe’s marginalisation in a world shaped by Americans and Asians. Just as western Europe came together against a Soviet threat, the current reconciliation is shaped by a fear of European irrelevance. It seems Russia has lost its illusion of greatness, while Poland has lost its illusion that its security can come only from America. Both are being forced to rediscover Europe, not simply as a field of rivalry but also as a place of common interest and identity. It is hard to know how all this will end: Russia continues to be big, insecure and undemocratic and Poland continues to be politically divided and nervous. But it is now up to these two countries to do in the east what France and Germany did in the west some 60 years ago.

Линк към статията в сайта на списание "Prospect": http://www.prospectmagazine.co.uk/2010/04/russia-katyn-putin-kaczynski-poland/