FP България брой 1 (30)

Февруари 2010

Първият онлайн брой на FP България.

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След Европа

2017

Автор(и): Иван Кръстев

Последната книга на Иван Кръстев на български език, публикувана от изд. "Обсидиан".

After Europe

2017

Автор(и): Иван Кръстев

Книга на Иван Кръстев за бъдещето на Европейския съюз (но и за потенциалното му отсъствие) излиза от University of Pennsylvania Press.

Препъвана демокрация: политиката на глобален протест

2014

Атакувайки теориите, които свързват протестите с възхода на глобалната средна класа, Иван Кръстев твърди, че те изразяват повсеместното недоверие в демократичните институции.

Автор(и): Иван Кръстев

# Протестът - анализи и позиции в българската преса лято 2013

2014

Сборник с анализи и позиции в българските печатни и онлайн медии прави обзор на най-актуалната тема през изминалата година: протестите. „#Протестът“ (ИК „Изток-Запад“) – със съставители Даниел Смилов и Леа Вайсова.

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Civil Society in Central and Eastern Europe: Challenges and Opportunities. Bulgaria Country Report

05 Юни 2017

Автор(и): Ружа Смилова

Civil Society in Central and Eastern Europe: Challenges and Opportunities Edited by Peter Vandor, Nicole Traxler, Reinhard Millner, and Michael Meyer. ERSTE Foundation publication

Democratic Innovation and the Politics of Fear: 25 Lessons from Eastern Europe

05 Юни 2017

Автор(и): Даниел Смилов

Текст на Даниел Смилов, включен в сборника The Governance Report 2017, публикуван от Oxford University Press

Финансиране на партиите в Източна, Централна и Югоизточна Европа &Централна Азия

Funding of Political Parties and Election Campaigns: A Handbook on Political Finance © International IDEA 2014, 16 Юли 2015

Автор(и): Даниел Смилов

Окупацията от 2013 г.: В търсене на смисъла

списание "Критика и хуманизъм", кн. 43, бр. 1-2/2014, 07 Април 2015

Тема на броя: Младежки култури на социализма и постсоциализма: лайфстайл, конформизъм и протест

Автор(и): Ружа Смилова

Новият европейски безпорядък

ЕСВП, 11 Ноември 2014

Иван Кръстев и Марк Леонард

Автор(и): Иван Кръстев

България: Изборите за Европейски парламент - репетиция за предсрочни парламентарни избори

23 Май 2014

Публикация в сборник, подготвен в рамките на EPIN (мрежа на институти за европейски политики) и посветен на предстоящите избори за Европейски парламент с обобщаващ анализ и публикации за 11 държави членки (България, Германия, Гърция, Испания, Италия, Нид

Автор(и): Антоанета Приматарова

Легитимност на гражданските протести? Солидарност с гражданските протести?

списание "Критика и хуманизъм", кн.41, 2013, 01 Декември 2013

Критика и Хуманизъм | 41 | 2013 | Народът и гражданското общество като ресурси на демокрацията

Автор(и): Даниел Смилов

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Поредната игра на Путин или последното морално предимство на ЕС?

Ню Йорк Таймс - Портал Култура, 28 Януари 2019

Автор(и): Иван Кръстев

Метаморфозата на Централна Европа

Project Syndicate - Приоритети, 21 Януари 2019

Автор(и): Иван Кръстев

Вашингтон на Тръмп през погледа на един европеец

Ню Йорк Таймс - Портал Култура, 30 Ноември 2018

Автор(и): Иван Кръстев

Стив Банон новият приятел на Европа

Ню Йорк Таймс - Медиапул, 19 Август 2018

Автор(и): Иван Кръстев

Имитацията и недоволството от нея

Journal of Democracy - Портал Култура, 05 Август 2018

Автор(и): Иван Кръстев и Стивън Холмс

Папата срущу популистите

Ню Йорк Таймс - Портал Култура, 12 Юли 2018

Централна Европа е урок за либералите: не бъдете антинационалисти

Гардиан - Портал Култура, 11 Юли 2018

Автор(и): Иван Кръстев

Три версии на Европа се провалят едновременно

Офнюз - Foreign Policy, 10 Юли 2018

Автор(и): Иван Кръстев

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Corrupt in Sofia

Wall Street Journal Europe
22 Юли 2008
Антоанета Приматарова

STATE OF THE UNION        

Corrupt in Sofia

By ANTOINETTE PRIMATAROVA
FROM TODAY'S WALL STREET JOURNAL EUROPE
July 22, 2008
Sofia, Bulgaria

For years the Bulgarian government has been promising Brussels and its own citizens that it would fight organized crime and corruption. But a string of leaked European Commission reports due out tomorrow come to a devastating conclusion. The country needs to "cleanse its administration and ensure that the generous support it receives from the EU actually reaches its citizens and is not siphoned off by corrupt officials, operating together with organized crime," one of them reads in part.
Some have argued that the EU was wrong to admit Bulgaria as a member last year, as Brussels now lacks the leverage to push the country in the right direction. But the leaked reports suggest that the EU might freeze up aid to its poorest member state, showing Brussels still has enough power to punish and shame Sofia. What's more, EU membership has invigorated civil society in Bulgaria, boosting domestic pressure for reforms. Euroskepticism may be a problem in the old member states. In Bulgaria and elsewhere in the region, though, it's a different picture. People here want EU involvement to help the country deal with its problems. And problems we have.
The European Commission will meet tomorrow to discuss its findings of Bulgaria's judiciary, management of EU funds and fight against corruption and organized crime. The Commission will also discuss possible sanctions against Sofia. The Bulgarian government, civil service, law enforcement and judiciary are all implicated in fraud, accused of links to the criminal underworld, according to the leaked reports. As a result, Brussels may bar two Bulgarian state agencies from handling EU funds, withholding up to €1 billion in aid.
Following the media reports about Brussels' findings, Bulgaria's European Minister Gergana Grancharova admitted in an interview that the center-left government is divided into two camps. Some ministers acknowledge the corruption problems and would like the government to fight it. Others would prefer that the government fight the European Commission.
It's no secret in Sofia who would like the status quo to continue. Unfortunately, President Georgi Parvanov falls into this camp. While paying lip service to the goal of fighting corruption, he and his political allies have been busier playing down the problem than eradicating it. They accuse the media and the opposition of being "hysterical" and unpatriotic. Arguing the charges of corruption are exaggerated, they like to appeal to the people's national feelings, urging them to rally around the government and its president.
They seem to overlook that ordinary Bulgarians are fed up with corruption and do not consider it their patriotic duty to defend the government against such accusations -- particularly when they are true. On the contrary, public awareness of the importance of combating corruption is on the rise in Bulgaria. According to the most recent Eurobarometer poll, 41% of Bulgarians consider fighting corruption a top priority for the EU. That's up from just 25% last fall.
While part of the government has been trying to stir up public resentment against the European Commission, others simultaneously tried to use the specter of anti-EU feelings to intimidate Brussels. Prime Minister Sergey Stanishev warned Brussels earlier this year that EU sanctions against his country could fuel Bulgarian euroskepticism and extremist parties.
Euroskepticism, though, is typically strong in those EU countries where public trust in national institutions is also quite strong. The Bulgarian case is different. According to the same Eurobarometer poll cited earlier, Bulgarians are among the EU citizens with the lowest opinions of their public institutions. Seventy-three percent of those polled mistrust their government, while 79% and 76% respectively mistrust their parliament and judiciary.
Ordinary Bulgarian citizens are no less critical of organized crime and corruption than Brussels is. Most of them see the EU as their ally. Being tough on corruption is not going to fuel euroskepticism in Bulgaria. The opposite is true. Brussels would be much more likely to turn ordinary citizens against the EU by being too lenient with the government.
The way the corruption scandals about EU funds are unfolding here in Bulgaria shows that Brussels has not lost leverage over Sofia. Brussels is actually playing an even more important role now than before Bulgaria joined the EU.
In the preaccession phase, the only real Bulgarian player was the government. The civil society and media were only incidentally involved in the corruption debate Brussels raised from the start.
Things changed, though, when it became clear that EU membership alone wouldn't bring an automatic end to corruption. Since January 2008, the questions of misuse of EU funds and corruption have been topping the news and public debates. The pressure from civil society and the media complements and enforces the pressure from Brussels in a way that promises to finally trigger real change.
Groucho Marx once said that he did not care to belong to a club that accepted people like him as members. I would claim that Bulgarians would not be happy with a European Union that accepts corruption, mismanagement and abuse of taxpayers' money. The Bulgarian government might be divided on how to react to the Commission's report. Ordinary Bulgarians, though, are ready to side with Brussels.

Ms. Primatarova, a former Bulgarian ambassador to the EU, is the program director at the Center for Liberal Strategies